![]() The Best of Ohio designations are awarded to the Best of Show wines that are made from a minimum of 90% Ohio-grown American/Labrusca, Hybrid, and Vinifera grape varieties, and have received the Ohio Quality Wine seal designation.Ī complete list of this year’s medal winners can be found in the attachment above. There were 432 total entries this year with 327 receiving medals: 34 double gold, 50 gold, 134 silver and 109 bronze.ĭragonfly Vineyard & Wine Cellar LaCrescent CurvesĢ021 Burnet Ridge Three Kings Cabernet Sauvignonīest of Class and Best of Ohio Blush/Rosé Wine:ĭ&D Smith Winery Whoopee! Wine (Elderberry)īest of Class and Best of Ohio Sparkling Wine:īest of Class and Best of Ohio Dessert Wine:Ģ022 Ferrante Winery Grand River Valley Vidal Blanc Ice Wine 14The 20th annual Grand River Valley Ice Wine Festival has become one of the largest March festivals in Ohio, drawing thousands of winter-weary visitors wishing to celebrate a wine. The competition was coordinated by Kent State University Ashtabula and held May 16-17 at the Lodge at Geneva-on-the-Lake, Geneva-on-the-Lake, Ohio. Representative, The Ohio State University, Columbus, OH, USA. ![]() ![]() ![]() Hanover Winery's Marquette won Overall Best of Show and Best of Ohio at the 2023 Ohio Wine Competition. ICE 2016 XXV International Congress of Entomology September 2530 Orlando, Florida. Join Debonné Vineyards, Ferrante Winery & Ristorante, Grand River Cellars Winery & Restaurant, Laurello Vineyards, South River Vineyards & St. The Vintage Ohio Wine Festival is August 5-6 from 1-10pm each day, advanced tickets are 30, tickets at the gate are 35, designated driver tickets are 12 and children ages 4-17 are 3 (children under 3 are free). ![]()
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![]() ![]() ![]() The public response to White opioids looked markedly different from the response to illicit drug use in inner city Black and Brown neighborhoods, with policy differentials analogous to the gap between legal penalties for crack as opposed to powder cocaine. Thousands of White addicted people found themselves the center of media and political debates about how the country should respond to the latest drug crisis. By 2010, the National Institute on Drug Abuse (NIDA) noted increasing numbers of prescription opioid dependent people turning to heroin as prescription opioids became harder to misuse ( Volkow, 2014) because of new prescription monitoring programs and tamper resistant opioid formulations. The press reported a suburban and rural White prescription opioid epidemic ( Tough, 2001 Ung, 2001a, b) as prescription drug overdose deaths rose 117 per cent between 19 ( CDC, 2014). ![]() ![]() Beginning in the 1990s, rates of prescription opioid misuse – primarily Ox圜ontin ® – began to rise dramatically, particularly among Whites. Meanwhile, a very different system for responding to the drug use of Whites has emerged. Alexander (2010), Wacquant (2009), Hart (2013) and others make the case that the criminal justice system is, in effect, a new state-sponsored racial caste system. Although Black Americans are no more likely than Whites to use illicit drugs, they are 6–10 times more likely to be incarcerated for drug offenses ( Bigg, 2007 Goode, 2013). Drug offenses accounted for two-thirds of the rise in the federal inmate population and more than half of the rise in state prisoners between 19, with more than half of young Black men in large cities in the United States currently under the control of the criminal justice system ( Alexander, 2010), and middle aged Black men more likely to have been in prison than in college or the military ( Rich et al, 2011). The US ‘War on Drugs’ has had a profound role in reinforcing racial hierarchies. This less examined ‘White drug war’ has carved out a less punitive, clinical realm for Whites where their drug use is decriminalized, treated primarily as a biomedical disease, and where their whiteness is preserved, leaving intact more punitive systems that govern the drug use of people of color. Examining four ‘technologies of whiteness’ (neuroscience, pharmaceutical technology, legislative innovation and marketing), we trace a separate system for categorizing and disciplining drug use among Whites. This article uses the recent history of White opioids – the synthetic opiates such as Ox圜ontin ® that gained notoriety starting in the 1990s in connection with epidemic prescription medication abuse among White, suburban and rural Americans and Suboxone ® that came on the market as an addiction treatment in the 2000s – to show how American drug policy is racialized, using the lesser known lens of decriminalized White drugs. Although Black Americans are no more likely than Whites to use illicit drugs, they are 6–10 times more likely to be incarcerated for drug offenses. ![]() |